Psychology

Nick Goddard , in Core Psychiatry (Third Edition), 2012

Locus of command

Locus of command ( Rotter 1966) refers to an individual'due south beliefs most the extent of control that they take over things that happen to them. The more anxious or depressed a person is, the more external their locus of control tends to be and a greater external locus of control is associated with a greater vulnerability to physical illness. Over the course of a psychotherapeutic intervention, the locus of control tends to become more internalized.

Stress management interventions incorporate parts of the theories described above. Biofeedback aims to change the physiological state directly, as does progressive muscular relaxation. Cognitive restructuring changes the fashion individuals recollect, which then leads to alterations in emotions and behaviour (the basis for cognitive behavioural therapy).

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Command Behavior: Health Perspectives

K. Wallston , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2001

2 Self-efficacy, Mastery, and Competence

Locus of control is only one type of control belief. Other psychological constructs that are like to locus of control are self-efficacy (Bandura 1977), mastery (Pearlin and Schooler 1978), and competence (White 1959). Self-efficacy, or the belief that i can practice a specific behavior in a specific situation, is much more than predictive of actually engaging in that behavior in that state of affairs than is an internal locus of control orientation (come across Self-efficacy and Health ). Both mastery and competence are more than generalized constructs than self-efficacy, and they embrace command over the situation and outcomes likewise equally control over behavior. Individuals with a sense of self-efficacy, mastery, or personal competence (and also those with an internal locus of control orientation) mostly feel very good nigh themselves (i.e., have loftier self-esteem and psychological well-being) and are receptive to learning about and engaging in new behaviors. An internal locus of control orientation coupled with a loftier degree of self-efficacy, mastery, or personal competence is a potent resource for helping individuals cope with health-related stressors.

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Applying the biopsychosocial model to the direction of rheumatic disease

Sarah Ryan RGN PhD MSc BSc FRCN , Alison Carr PhD , in Rheumatology, 2010

Health LOCUS OF CONTROL

The Health Locus of Command model is based on Rotter's Social Learning Theory ( Rotter 1954). It proposes that health behaviours are predicted by the extent to which an private believes they can perform the behaviour and that it will exist effective. Individuals with an internal locus of control (LOC) are more likely to take action to manage their symptoms than an individual with more than external LOC who believes their symptoms are a issue of chance and looks to other sources, such equally the medico, to manage their symptoms. However, this model has been tested in a wide range of therapeutic areas with conflicting results.

The virtually widely used measure out is the Multiple Health Locus of Command (MHLC) Scale (Wallston et al 1978), evaluating beliefs nearly health behaviours in general, and the variance in results might relate to individuals holding different behavior depending on the state of affairs. For example, an private might accept a loftier internal LOC for weight loss (i.due east. they believe they are responsible and have the ability to reduce their weight) just a high external LOC for managing their arthritis, believing this is the dr.'due south responsibility. Ryan et al (2003) institute that within a medical consultation, contrary to the HLC model, an external LOC increased the patient's perceived command over their ability to alive with their arthritis. This may be considering patients view their condition as too unpredictable and mutifacted to manage without external professional support and view the consultation as a partnership where their issues could be voiced and management appropriate to their needs provided.

In an attempt to make the HLC a stronger predictor of health behaviour it has been adapted to include: the value the individual places on their health and the extent to which an individual is confident in carrying out behaviours they believe will be effective. In other words, for an private to engage in health behaviour, such as do, they need to value their health, believe they are responsible for it, be confident they tin practice and believe exercise will be effective.

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Perceived Control

J.G. Chipperfield , ... T.L. Stewart , in Encyclopedia of Human Behavior (Second Edition), 2012

Definitions of Perceived Control

Beyond locus of control and self-efficacy, other classic concepts such every bit mastery, agency, and self-determination emerged that are all by and large subsumed under the umbrella term 'perceived control.' Skinner developed a taxonomy that helped to differentiate the subtle variations betwixt these concepts. Each can presumably exist classified in relation to its emphasis on the 'amanuensis–ways–end' sequence, in detail whether it describes an 'agent–means,' 'amanuensis–ends,' or 'means–ends' relationship. The 'amanuensis' refers to beliefs nigh the agent of control (the role of the self); the 'ways' refers to beliefs well-nigh the fashion in which control is exerted; and the 'cease' refers to the desired outcome over which command is exerted.

Despite the different emphases in the classic concepts, the definitions share a common core: each focuses on behavior about influence. The focus might be on a conventionalities that certain actions will generally influence an event (running fast volition allow one to escape from an attacking comport) or on whether ane believes he/she possesses the essential qualities to influence his/her deportment (I believe I accept the strength and endurance to run fast) and/or whether this allows for one's influence over outcomes (running fast will permit me to escape from an attacking bear).

Some researchers go along to employ the perceived control label in the classical way to refer to behavior nearly influence; whereas, others use it more liberally to draw a psychological state of command, that is, whether i feels 'in control' or 'out of control.' Beliefs about influence are tied to specific outcomes, but the psychological state of control is broader. Just as people tin can report whether a specific upshot produces happiness, they tin can also report a broader, overall state of happiness that extends beyond the issue.

To avoid confusion in this article, when it is useful to distinguish perceived command from the wide psychological land of control, nosotros adopt sense of control as a characterization to refer to the psychological land. Nosotros subsequently use the perceived command label in its narrowest, classic manner (i.e., beliefs nigh influence), non as an endorsement of this archetype view, only rather, to avoid confusion.

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Biomedicine

Giora Kaplan , in Encyclopedia of Social Measurement, 2005

Locus of Control

The "locus of command" is a personality construct referring to an individual'south perception of the locus of events as determined internally by his/her belief that an consequence is directly the event of his/her behavior. This contrasts with the perception of external circumstances, by which control is in the hands of powerful others (doctors), or outcomes are due to the vagaries of fate, luck, or risk. Some enquiry suggests that what underlies the internal locus of control is the concept of "self every bit agent." This ways that our thoughts control our deportment, and that when we use this executive part of thinking, we can positively touch our beliefs, motivation, and performance. We tin can control our own destinies and we are more effective in influencing our environments in a wide variety of situations.

A wellness-related Locus of Control Inventory adult in the mid-1970s was derived from social learning theory. This tool was a one-dimensional scale containing a series of statements of people's beliefs that their wellness was or was not adamant past their own behavior. A further development was the three viii-item Likert-blazon "internal, powerful others, adventure" (IPC) scales, which predicted that the construct could be improve understood by studying fate and take chances expectations separately from external control by powerful others. The locus of control and IPC approaches were combined to develop the Multidimensional Wellness Locus of Command (MHLC) Scale. The MHLC Scale consists of 3 6-item scales also using the Likert format. This tool is used to measure quality of life in patients with diseases or disabilities such as breast cancer, irritable bowel syndrome, chronic leg ulcer, and traumatic spinal cord injury. The second aspect is medical outcomes as assessment for quality of treatments (for example, for cervicogenic headache, after cardiac surgery; handling effect in subgroups of uncooperative child dental patients; outcomes of parent–child interaction therapy). The final aspect is efficiency of wellness services or planning a new service. Examples of application include prediagnostic controlling styles among Australian women, relating to treatment choices for early on breast cancer, intention to breast feed, and other important health-related behaviors and beliefs during pregnancy; predicting the ability of lower limb amputees to learn to apply a prosthesis; and planning a plan of awareness in early on-stage Alzheimer'southward illness.

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Personality

J.-Eastward. Ruth , in Encyclopedia of Gerontology (2d Edition), 2007

Control Behavior

Julian Rotter's locus of control thought has initiated some studies that map stability and change in control behavior over the life bridge. This research tradition goes back to learning theories that postulate the being of generalized expectancies apropos behavior possibilities, based on reinforcement. Thus, the individual's feelings of outer control from the caregiving parents would be typical of the babyhood years, whereas feelings of increasing inner control in young adulthood volition grow out of newly gained independence. Decreased internality of control beliefs is postulated again in onetime age, when advancing frailty might pb to an increased demand for assist and intendance.

The research group led past Margy Gatz has generated most of the longitudinal data concerning this effect. In a cantankerous-sequential study with a follow-upwardly of 20 years there seemed to be strong evidence for continuity of internality over the adult years. The hateful levels of personal control actually became more than internal in all the young, eye-aged, and onetime-age groups followed in this study, a finding that probably reflects changing contextual factors in the civilization. At the same time, the oldest women showed more outer control, most probably a accomplice event. In addition to the gender difference, the researchers point out the swell individual differences institute concerning this attribute.

According to some researchers, the inconsistency in some other longitudinal research projects on this consequence can be explained by the unidimensional style of defining command (as inner or outer control). Multidimensional approaches might thus exist needed. The European researcher Jochen Brandstädter has shown in a cross-sequential study of developmental goals that self-perceptions of autonomous control became more pronounced in middle and tardily adulthood. This control concerned the domains of wellness and concrete well-being, assertiveness, self-assurance, intellectual efficacy, self-development, mature agreement, and wisdom. Recently, researchers have started to stress the need for studying personality-linked concepts such equally control, self-efficacy, or autonomy as transactional processes rather than as personality traits. Where these concepts are studied every bit processes, the relation between the aging private and his or her environment will be the focus of the research.

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Measures of Hope and Optimism

Fred B. Bryant , Patrick R. Harrison , in Measures of Personality and Social Psychological Constructs, 2015

Validity

Convergent/Concurrent

LOT scores correlate positively with internal locus of control ( r=.34) and self-esteem (r=.48) (Scheier & Carver, 1985). LOT-R scores correlate positively with self-mastery (r=.48) and cocky-esteem (r=.50). The original and revised measures correlate strongly (r=.95) (Scheier et al., 1994).

Divergent/Discriminant

LOT scores practise not correlate with private and public self-consciousness (r=−.04; r=−.05) and correlate negatively with hopelessness (r=−.47), depression (r=−.49), perceived stress (r=−.55), alienation (r s=−17 to −.xl), social desirability (r=.26), and social anxiety (r=−.33) (Scheier & Carver, 1985). LOT-R scores correlate negatively with trait anxiety (r=−.53) and neuroticism (r s=−.36 to −.43) (Scheier et al., 1994).

Construct/Factor Analytic

A principal components analysis as well every bit a confirmatory factor analysis supported a two-dimensional solution for positively and negatively-worded items for the LOT (Scheier & Carver, 1985). Several sets of principal components analyses yielded between 1 and five factors only Scheier et al. (1994) settled on a unidimensional model of optimism for the LOT-R.

Benchmark/Predictive

LOT scores correlate negatively with being bothered by concrete symptoms (r s=−.22, to .31) (Scheier & Carver, 1985). LOT-R scores correlate negatively with number of physical symptoms (r=−.21), intensity of symptom (r=−.25), mental disengagement (r=−.18), and employ of drugs or booze (r=−.11) (Scheier et al., 1994).

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Improving the lived feel of dementia transitions

Neil Drummond , ... Lynn McCleary , in Evidence-Informed Approaches for Managing Dementia Transitions, 2020

Locus of control

Related to notions of self-efficacy is locus of command [131], also important to perceived quality of life. Information technology is a psychological concept describing the extent to which individuals see themselves equally having personal (or "internal") control over events in their lives or to which command lies in others ("external"). In wellness-related enquiry, the concept is often used to understand the extent to which people call up that their wellness status and future health outcomes are achievable by their own deportment. Locus of control is now generally considered to be one of four psychological "core self-evaluation" concepts, along with neuroticism, self-efficacy, and self-esteem, through which individuals judge their worth every bit people and the full general quality of their lives. They may too be considered every bit existence amidst the predictors of resilience [132].

Equally with self-efficacy, studies of associations between dementia-related outcomes and locus of command take focused on caregivers rather than on people with dementia themselves. The results have been somewhat varied. Nordtug et al. [133] studied the influence of neuroticism and external locus of control in caregivers of people with dementia and found that while neuroticism was predictive of increased burden and mental health issues, external locus of command was non. Just Bruvik et al. [134] reported that locus of command was the master predictor of burden in caregivers of people with dementia, with greater internalized command associated with lower burden and greater externalized control associated with greater burden.

Some back up for loss of command as a perceived cause for behavioral and psychological symptoms of dementia is provided by Polenick et al. [135], who practical attribution theory in an analysis of focus grouping data. Caregivers attributed such symptoms in people with dementia to their fear at their expected loss of control.

Research virtually "control" in persons with dementia has frequently been less focused on the psychological concept of locus of control and more than on perceived autonomy. Every bit will exist seen in subsequent chapters, the extent to which persons with dementia have control of, or input into, decisions near their lives varies. Autonomy and command influence transition experiences. Those with dementia often feel that decisions nigh their lives are made for them rather than with them [136].

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The problem of compliance in orthodontics

Andrej Zentner , in Orthodontic Handling of the Class Ii Noncompliant Patient, 2006

Health-Related Beliefs

Wellness motivation, health value, and health locus of control accept a potent influence on compliance with medical care five and orthodontic treatment. 20, 27 Recent studies propose a beneficial influence of first-class dental advent and of past orthodontic treatment on oral health attitudes and oral health-related quality of life of young adults. 29, xxx Information technology is believed that health-related beliefs in general and patients' attitude to orthodontic treatment in particular might considerably influence orthodontic compliance. Wellness behaviors incorporate personal efforts aimed at reducing behavioral pathogens or health-compromising behaviors, too as increasing the practise of behaviors which human activity as behavioral immunogens or health-promoting behaviors. 27

Of particular relevance in this respect are patients' attitudes toward dental esthetics, perceived severity of malocclusion, desire for orthodontic correction and expectations from orthodontic treatment in the sense of an anticipated self-efficacy. 25, 31, 32 The latter may be divers equally the individual's belief in their ability to part competently. 32 Favorable compliance seems to be related to perceived severity of malocclusion xiii, 20, 33, 34 and to internal control orientation. 21, 26, 35 According to the locus of command theory, internal command orientation implies that patients attribute treatment outcomes to their personal efforts without relying primarily on chance or endeavors of others. 36 Information technology is likely that those orthodontic patients who brand fewer external attributions will retain some sense of responsibleness, and possibly command, over treatment outcomes and believe that their participation and cooperation can facilitate treatment progress. 21

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Stress of Self Esteem

J.C. Pruessner , ... M.W. Baldwin , in Encyclopedia of Stress (Second Edition), 2007

Endocrinological Evidence for the Part of Self-esteem and Locus of Command in the Perception of Stress

Evidence for the bear upon of cocky-esteem and locus of command on stress perception emerged when subjects were exposed to repeated psychological stress, using the Trier Psychosocial Stress Test (TSST). In this paradigm, subjects have to requite an impromptu spoken communication and perform serial subtraction tasks in front end of an audience, ordinarily for near x min. The audition consists of two to three persons who are instructed to maintain a neutral expression, being neither explicitly rejecting nor confirmative in their facial expression or gestures. During the speech, the audience interacts with the discipline only to indicate the corporeality of fourth dimension that is left to talk or to ask specific questions. In the case that a subject stumbles, they encourage the subject to go along the speech. During the serial subtraction task, the subject is interrupted only when making a mistake. The subject is then corrected and instructed to get-go the job over. The job was designed to represent a significant social-evaluative threat and indeed has been shown to be a powerful stressor, stimulating the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) centrality and leading to meaning gratis cortisol increases within xv to 30 min following the onset of the task. This first study aimed to validate the long-standing hypothesis that in humans, repeated exposure to the aforementioned stressor would lead to quick habituation of the stress response. In society to examination the habituation of the stress response, 20 immature healthy male person college students were exposed to the TSST on five subsequent days. For this purpose, the TSST was modified using different oral communication topics and series subtraction tasks on each 24-hour interval. Interestingly, only 13 of the twenty subjects showed the typical habituation design, with a normal stress response on day one existence significantly reduced on mean solar day 2, and no longer present on the subsequent days. In the seven remaining subjects, however, the cortisol stress response continued to exist nowadays on all days and simply showed a tendency to decline toward the end of the testing ( Figure one). When analyzing the available psychological variables, it became credible that low internal locus of control and low cocky-esteem were the best predictors of failing habituation of the cortisol stress response to repeated stress exposure. This tin can exist interpreted as a sign that these personality variables interact with the evaluation of a state of affairs during repeated exposure. The absence of differences in the stress response between the two groups of subjects on day i was at the time attributed to the consequence of novelty – the novelty of the situation might have made it unpredictable and uncontrollable for everybody on the first exposure and might thus have masked the impact of personality variables on stress perception and response. I conclusion at the time was that in lodge to reveal the effect of personality variables on the stress evaluation and response, one would probable need repeated exposures to the aforementioned stressor in order to reveal the influence of personality variables on stress.

Figure 1. Cortisol responses (AUC, area under the bend) on repeated exposure to the Trier Social Stress Test (TSST) on 5 subsequent days in subjects with high cocky-esteem and loftier locus of control (high SEC; n = 13) and low self-esteem and low locus of control (low SEC; n = 7).

However, it is known that personality variables tend to have relatively weaker effects when situational factors are very strong. In a 2nd study, the threatening aspects of the situation were reduced, and cocky-esteem and locus of control had an impact on the perception of stress on the first exposure to a stimulus. Here, computerized mental arithmetic was combined with an induced failure blueprint to invoke stress. In the setup used in this task, 52 students performed the chore on computer terminals in front of them. Half of the students were exposed to a difficult version leading to low functioning, compared to an like shooting fish in a barrel version of the chore with high performance for the other half. The students played the job in three three-min segments and had to announce their performance score later on each segment to the investigator, who wrote the scores down on a board for everybody to meet. Saliva sampling before, throughout, and later on the task allowed the assessment of the cortisol dynamics in relation to this paradigm. Interestingly, this task triggered a significant cortisol release only in the subjects who were in the low-functioning group and had low self-esteem and low internal locus of control. Neither depression operation solitary nor low cocky-esteem and internal locus of control alone were significant predictors of cortisol release, supporting the notion that these personality variables produce effects only in interaction with a potentially stressful situation (Effigy 2). The evaluation of the situation is suggested to be at the core of this interaction.

Figure two. Cortisol stress responses to the Trier Mental Challenge Task (TMCT) in iv groups of subjects, separated for high and low cocky-esteem and locus of control and high and low functioning in the mental arithmetics. The operation was manipulated by the investigator.

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